How Lindsey Graham is accommodating himself to Trump’s foreign policy

 

Senator Lindsey Graham’s Latest Evolution: From Hawk to Trump Loyalist

“Yeah, I think Europe’s gone woke, don’t y’all?” Lindsey Graham quipped at a town hall in South Carolina earlier this month, echoing the increasingly isolationist tone of the Republican base. It was a striking shift for the senator, once a fierce advocate for U.S. military interventions abroad.

Graham (R-S.C.), a former presidential candidate who championed a ground war in Syria and partnered with John McCain to promote robust U.S. global leadership, is now seeking a fifth Senate term in a state Donald Trump won by 18 points. And to survive politically, Graham has recalibrated his foreign policy stance — dramatically.

Responding to a question about Vice President JD Vance’s claim that the U.S. no longer shares values with European leaders, Graham expressed skepticism about Ukraine’s war effort, even suggesting that Russia might retain some seized territory — a reversal from his 2021 position advocating the non-recognition of any land Russia took by force.

Graham’s political flexibility has helped secure Trump’s endorsement — critical in a state where many Republican voters remain suspicious of him. But it hasn’t won over everyone.

“He just flows with the wind,” said Jane Rabon, 73, a Republican retiree attending Graham’s event. “Sometimes I just want to reach out and smack him.”

Now, Graham straddles two worlds: the traditional foreign policy establishment that once shaped him and the Trump-driven isolationism embraced by much of his party. While he still pushes the administration to get tougher on Iran and remains an influential voice on national security, his conversations with Trump have clearly shifted his worldview.

“He’s made me reevaluate some things I took for granted,” Graham said in an interview. “American interventionism has limits. Look at Afghanistan — years, trillions.”

It’s a remarkable admission from a senator who once derided Trump’s foreign policy as reckless. In 2015, Graham labeled Trump a “jackass” and had to change his cellphone number after Trump doxxed him at a rally. Yet the two became friends on the golf course after Trump’s election, and that relationship has endured, even through January 6 and foreign policy disagreements.

Today, Graham defends Trump’s approach. “He’s not Reagan in style,” Graham said, “but he’s accomplished what Reagan did: people are afraid of him.” He cited Trump’s pressure on NATO allies to increase defense spending as a major success: “Hell, they ought to pay more.”

Graham now says he ignores Trump’s rhetoric and focuses on outcomes. “I don’t care if he takes Putin on vacation, as long as we get a good outcome,” he joked.

This pragmatism has cost him some old allies. Mark Salter, McCain’s longtime speechwriter, accused Graham of engaging in “Trump fluffery” and betraying his earlier foreign policy principles. “The idea that foreign leaders respect Trump’s strength is laughable,” Salter said, warning that Trump’s chaos undermines the global order leaders like McCain and Graham once built.

Graham’s fluctuating stance was on full display earlier this year. After a tense Oval Office meeting with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, during which Zelensky clashed with Vance, Graham suggested the Ukrainian leader should resign — a sharp departure from his earlier vocal support.

Senators Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.) and Chris Coons (D-Del.) — both frequent Graham collaborators — expressed surprise at his criticism of Zelensky. Yet both noted that Graham continues to work behind the scenes to bolster Ukraine, pushing European allies at February’s Munich Security Conference to strengthen NATO and brainstorm security guarantees for Ukraine.

“Graham is trying to navigate between strongly supporting Trump and believing in the Ukraine cause,” Coons said.

Graham has long acknowledged that proximity to Trump helps him stay politically "relevant." Whether it also helps him shape Trump’s policies is less clear. Graham claims he persuaded Trump to delay troop withdrawals from Afghanistan, though Biden’s ultimate withdrawal still proved disastrous.

Even now, Graham warns about Trump’s overtures to Iran. Alarmed by negotiations led by envoy Steve Witkoff, Graham recently joined Democrats demanding congressional oversight of foreign aid cuts and expressed deep skepticism about any nuclear deal that would allow uranium enrichment. “You can’t let the world’s largest state sponsor of terrorism enrich,” he said.

On Ukraine, however, Graham shows more flexibility. He acknowledges that a peace deal may mean not expelling every Russian soldier. “You want the war to end,” Graham said. “But you don't want to entice China to take Taiwan.”

One of his floated ideas — granting Ukraine automatic NATO membership if Russia invades again — remains far from reality, as current proposals leave NATO accession off the table.

Despite his renewed bond with Trump, Graham faces enduring skepticism from Trump’s hardcore supporters. At rallies, he’s been booed.

“He’s kind of a RINO,” said Bruni Baker, a voter at Graham’s town hall. “I’ve written him letters when I’m really pissed at him.”

South Carolina Republicans’ distrust traces back years, to Graham’s bipartisan work on immigration reform and judicial nominees. Trump’s team knows Graham’s support is viewed warily but values his loyalty. “He’s always been there when I needed him,” Trump said in his endorsement.

Graham called that endorsement “touching” and framed his mission simply: “This is his last term, and I won’t be around forever. I’m trying to help him.”

Yet challengers like businessman Mark Lynch, who recently pumped $5 million into his campaign, hope to capitalize on Graham’s vulnerabilities.

“Trump’s endorsement of Lindsey Graham means nothing in South Carolina because we all know Lindsey,” Lynch said.

Political experts aren’t convinced. Joel Sawyer, a GOP strategist, said Trump’s backing “freezes the field,” locking in Graham’s position. Scott Huffmon, a political scientist at Winthrop University, put it more bluntly:

“Lindsey Graham is the ultimate survivor.”