Eighty years ago this week, President Franklin D. Roosevelt met with Saudi King Abdulaziz aboard the USS Quincy in the Suez Canal. That historic conversation laid the foundation for a relationship centered on oil supplies and regional security. President Harry Truman later reinforced this bond by assuring Abdulaziz that any threat to Saudi Arabia would be of immediate concern to the United States.
Successive American presidents have echoed this commitment. President Donald Trump made Saudi Arabia the destination of his first foreign trip and prioritized communication with Saudi Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman at the start of his second term.
But is such close attention to Saudi Arabia warranted? The relationship has seen its share of challenges. The 1973 Arab oil embargo disrupted the American economy, most of the 9/11 hijackers were Saudi nationals, and the kingdom has been involved in controversial military actions, including the Yemen conflict and the 2018 murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi. Arms sales to Saudi Arabia have often sparked debate in Congress. Given that the U.S. now produces more oil than Saudi Arabia, does this alliance still serve American interests?
The 1973 oil embargo was a direct response to the Arab-Israeli War. Facing immense pressure to support the Arab cause, King Faisal reduced oil production and halted exports to the United States. However, even during the embargo, he secretly allowed oil shipments to continue to the U.S. military. Since then, Saudi Arabia has avoided using oil as a political weapon, instead prioritizing market stability.
As the world’s leading oil exporter, Saudi Arabia has played a crucial role in stabilizing global energy markets, stepping in to offset supply disruptions caused by geopolitical crises, natural disasters, and international sanctions.
Despite efforts to transition away from fossil fuels, global oil demand continues to grow by about 1% annually, and the U.S. still imports more oil than it did in 1973. Many American allies also rely heavily on Saudi oil. Ensuring Saudi Arabia’s ability to efficiently supply global markets remains a vital American interest.
The presence of Saudi nationals among the 9/11 attackers has fueled suspicions about the kingdom’s role. However, the Saudi government did not support the attacks. By 2001, Osama bin Laden had declared war on the Saudi monarchy, accusing it of being too closely aligned with the United States. In response, the Saudi government had sought his extradition, revoked his citizenship, and frozen his assets.
Saudi Arabia’s influence extends beyond oil. As the custodian of Islam’s holiest sites, King Salman wields significant religious authority. When Trump visited Riyadh, he met with dozens of Muslim leaders, underscoring Saudi Arabia’s role in shaping discourse in the Islamic world. Recent reforms have promoted a more tolerant interpretation of Islam, evident in revised school textbooks, strict oversight of religious charities, and official condemnations of Holocaust denial. Supporting Saudi Arabia’s efforts to promote moderation remains a key American interest.
The kingdom has also undergone rapid social change, particularly regarding women’s rights. The ban on women driving has been lifted, and restrictions on travel, education, and employment have eased. Women no longer need to wear headscarves or robes, can participate in sports, and have seen their workforce participation nearly double in the past decade. Encouraging Saudi Arabia’s progress toward modern social norms aligns with American interests.
In 2014, Iranian-backed Houthi rebels overthrew Yemen’s government, prompting Saudi military intervention. While civilian casualties raised concerns, Saudi Arabia did not intentionally target noncombatants any more than American drone strikes in Afghanistan did. The U.S. later restricted arms sales to Saudi Arabia, pressuring it into peace talks. Ironically, when the U.S. later launched strikes against the Houthis, Saudi Arabia declined to participate. Working with Saudi Arabia to counter Iranian influence in Yemen, Lebanon, Iraq, and Syria remains a strategic priority.
Saudi Arabia is also a major buyer of American weapons, paying in cash. These purchases help fund U.S. weapons development, reduce costs for the American military, and support thousands of American jobs. Saudi military bases, built to American specifications, have provided crucial strategic access in times of crisis. Maintaining strong defense ties with Saudi Arabia serves U.S. interests.
As a stable and prosperous nation, Saudi Arabia seeks to resolve the Arab-Israeli conflict. The Saudis have supported American-led peace efforts and proposed their own solutions. While their proposals were not fully acceptable to Israel, President Ronald Reagan once called them "the single largest step towards peace on which the Arabs have been able to agree." In 2020, Saudi Arabia tacitly supported the Abraham Accords, which normalized Israel’s relations with Bahrain and the UAE. Expanding this framework to include Saudi Arabia is an important U.S. objective.
Foreign policy must balance American interests with American values. In an increasingly multipolar world, absolute moral purity is an impractical luxury. The United States must focus on fundamental priorities: security, sovereignty, and survival. Partnerships should be pursued with nations that align with American economic and security interests, even if they do not fully share all of our values. Saudi Arabia is one such partner, and Trump’s decision to strengthen this relationship is a strategic one.
David H. Rundell is a former Chief of Mission at the American Embassy in Saudi Arabia and the author of Vision or Mirage: Saudi Arabia at the Crossroads. Ambassador Michael Gfoeller is a former Political Advisor to the U.S. Central Command and a member of the Council on Foreign Relations.
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